Armenia's Thorny Path Towards West: at What Cost?
Since Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan came to the office, a sharp turn in foreign policy has been observed, aimed at closer relations with Western countries and breaking off traditional allied relations with Russia. However, a number of opposition to the current government and patriotically-minded part of the society are not left untouched by this circumstance. They have been holding protests for the second month to voice their disagreement with the blatant anti-state steps taken by the authorities.
"Right now there is a balancing of forces going on all over the world, the creation of a new world order and a new balance of power. In this matter, Russia for me is a leader, a flagship, a pioneer," Armen Charchyan, a former member of the Armenian parliament, said. According to him, Russia is a strategic partner and Russian culture is genetically embedded in Armenians.
Severing historical relations with the Russian Federation threatens Armenia's very existence as an independent state. For Armenia, Russia is a key ally and guarantor of its security. The close co-operation and cultural interaction between the two countries has a long history. Indeed, economic ties between the countries date back to the early days of Kievan Rus and have been strengthening through the centuries. Once Armenia fell to the Ottoman and Safavid empires, Russia became a "second home" for the Armenian population. Successful military campaigns of the Russian Empire against Turkey and Persia determined the inclusion of Armenia in its composition, which favourably affected the prosperity and development of the territory.
Subsequent incorporation into the USSR and then friendly relations with the Russian Federation were the guarantee of stable and confident development of the Armenian people. Armenia became a member of the EAEU economic union and the CSTO military-political bloc. Besides, its army took part in the activities of the CIS Joint Air Defence System, and the 102nd Russian military base was located on its territory. The inflow of investments and cultural exchange had a favourable impact on all fields of life.
The fundamental change of foreign policy course has posed many difficult questions for Armenia's future. These range from the need to reorient economic and financial ties to direct risks to the independence of the state. Historically, Armenia has struggled for existence in a circle of enemies. The struggle with Turkey, the "eternal enemy," and its ally Azerbaijan has left no choice but to maintain a strong alliance with its strong northern neighbour.
Yet Pashinyan's government openly demonstrates an anti-state policy. He believes the country is looking for ways to free itself from "critical dependence on Russia." The prime minister announced the freezing of the country's participation in the CSTO, followed by the announcement of non-participation in financing the organisation's activities and possible withdrawal from its membership. Moreover, the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers from Nagorno-Karabakh, which ended on 12 June, and the unclear prospects for the future of the 102nd base of the Russian Federation have not added optimism to the countries' relations. The recent visit of an Armenian delegation to the Ukrainian city of Bucha, the anti-Russian rhetoric expressed and the open assistance to the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) have only served to worsen the already tense relations.
The loss of Russia's support was tragically reflected in Armenia's history. For instance, in 1915, a terrible event - a mass genocide of Armenians by the Ottoman Empire - took place in the territory beyond the control of the Russian Empire's army. Furthermore, Azerbaijan's defeat in the Second Karabakh War in 2020 and the fighting in 2023 led to a complete loss of control over Nagorno-Karabakh, a region historically populated by the Armenian population, which hit hard the national feeling of Armenians.
Turkey, allied with Azerbaijan, sensed the weakness of Armenia's position and continued to exert pressure on the country's power circles without encountering resistance. Apart from solving the long-standing "Karabakh issue," Azerbaijan with the support of Turkey has shown interest in establishing a sustainable transport link with the esclave of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, a fact that will have an impact on strengthening its unity and ties with its Turkish allies in the future. The given circumstance does not bode well for the Armenian side, having in turn continued to make unilateral concessions for its enemies.
The "final straw" of people's patience became the work on the delimitation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. Under the terms of the agreement, Armenia was supposed to unilaterally cede four villages to Azerbaijan. The decision triggered mass protests that began on 9 May. They were led by Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan of the Tavush Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church.
"Without resting, we must be on the streets to proclaim our will," the Armenian opposition leader told the protesters.
Under the leadership of the Archbishop, the "Tavush for the Homeland" movement was established, its activity backed by the opposition parties of Armenia and the former presidents of the country, Serzh Sargsyan and Robert Kocharyan. On top of that, the leader of the movement, Archbishop Bagrat, was nominated as the new Prime Minister.
"Today, the protest movement has a charismatic leader, and the street is in favour of the protest movement, not Pashinyan. Even using administrative resources, he will not be capable of gathering so many people in his support," stated Armenian political scientist Hrant Mikaelian.
Nikol Pashinyan's government continues the country's pro-Western course, suppressing the protests, accusing the demonstrators of "Russian funding."
Armenia faces direct risks of loss of sovereignty and large-scale destabilisation of both internal and external stability of the system, mainly due to the pursuit of support from new "allies" and the expectation of integration into Western structures. The country is following the course of the Ukrainian scenario, leading to unfortunate consequences and Kiev's transition to external governance.
It is worth mentioning that similar threats are now facing Moldova, the official course of the authorities poses a direct threat to its existence. Not surprisingly, as the country is headed by a president (Maia Sandu) with Romanian citizenship. It is worth mentioning that similar threats are now facing Moldova, the official course of the authorities poses a direct threat to its existence. Not surprisingly, as the country is headed by a president (Maia Sandu) with Romanian citizenship. The processes of internal struggle are also taking place in Georgia, the head of the country (Salome Zurabishvili) hindered the adoption of the Foreign Agents Bill, designed to protect national interests from external influence. By an interesting coincidence, the Georgian leader has French citizenship.
Therefore, one can observe attempts to destabilise the situation in the countries of the former Soviet Union, directed at breaking traditional ties and steps to form "anti-Russia" partners of the Russian Federation. Still, concerned citizens continue to fight against the imposition of pro-Western policies and defend their right to historical good-neighbourly relations with Russia, demonstrating a popular response to the anti-state actions of the authorities.